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register with the authorities. Viet Nam and Saudi Arabia control access via a single
Internet gateway. In July 1996 an Indonesian university lecturer was arrested after
distributing email messages about riots in Jakarta to an international mailing list
covering Indonesian politics. American journalist Declan McCullagh, who maintains
the Fight-Censorship mailing list and the Plague of Freedom pages (http://www.eff.org/pub/Global/Dispatches) lists many more countries interested in censoring the
Net, including Cuba, Canada, Kuwait, and Taiwan.

On September 15, 1996, Singapore began requiring all ISPs to funnel their traffic
through government-controlled proxy servers that block access to government-disapproved sites; in return, users were promised faster access, as the servers also
cache frequently accessed pages. However, after a week Singapore users were
already reporting slower access (and therefore higher phone bills) because each
clicked request had to be checked against the server's database. Worse, they
complained that the proxies deliver out-of-date pages because the pages stored
locally aren't updated often enough. Both complaints are common with proxy
servers, which are commonly used by networks and commercial services such as
America Online to minimize traffic. But think of stock quotes and you'll understand
why it's a problem when pages aren't updated frequently enough. On September
25, a Singapore court fined a man approximately $45,000 for possession of
pornographic images downloaded from the Internet.[13]

In Britain, handshakes were exchanged in September on a gentlemen's agreement
for a combination system involving ratings for Web sites and newsgroups; a hotline
for user complaints; and a private, non-profit foundation set up by Peter Dawe, the
just-retired CEO of the leading commercial Internet supplier, Pipex, now part of
UUNet. The closest similar initiatives are in the Netherlands, where a hotline set up
by xs4all for complaints about child pornography online is said to be working well at
clearing such material off the Net, and in Belgium, which also opened a similar
reporting point on the Web. Britain's initiative, like the CDA, was preceded by a
horrendous media report. In the CDA's case, this was the notorious Time magazine "Cyberporn" cover story (see chapter 9); in Britain, media pressure came from the
century-old Observer Sunday newspaper, which on August 25, 1996, ran an
outrageous and wildly inaccurate story about child pornography on the Net
targeting an associate director at Britain's largest consumer ISP, Demon Internet,
and anonymous remailer operator Julf Helsingius. The proposals that resulted in
the Internet Watch Foundation (IWF) were announced only a couple of weeks later
as a back-of-the-envelope scheme dreamed up by Dawe five days earlier. With a
general election looming, it took only two weeks for those proposals to become
government policy.

In fact, the British scheme may be the best hope for a regulatory regime because it
allows for user choice while seeking public support in enforcing the existing laws.
The hotline is starting with child pornography because this is clearly illegal in most
countries and there is a substantial consensus that this material should not be
circulated on the Net. (In fact, many of the newsgroups with names like
alt.binaries.pictures.erotica.children were probably started as tasteless jokes and are largely taken up with messages flaming the groups.) How it will work out as the IWF
carries out its planned expansion into pirated software, text-based sexual fantasies,
and material where the consensus is not as strong remains to be seen.[14]

While Australia and the European Union investigate the potential for classifying the
Internet as a broadcast medium and extending similar regulations to it, the trend in
many places seems to be toward promoting blocking software and voluntary ratings
systems as the favored method for balancing user choice and freedom of speech.
Web sites and newsgroups can be rated according to the type of material they
generally contain, and parents can use those ratings to limit what their children may
access. This will not be a perfect solution; children are not only often better at
programming VCRs than their parents are, they are also likely to be better at
figuring out how to disable the blocking software than their parents are at figuring
out how to enable it. No one seems willing to talk about this, perhaps for fear that
this emerging consensus will be damaged, but the fact is that most of these
products are trivially easy to defeat by anyone with enough knowledge to edit an
AUTOEXEC.BAT file or boot from a floppy--minimal technical skills that are
     
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